Latest US Election Poll: Who's Got Your Vote if the Election Were Held Tomorrow

Who's Got Your Vote Right Now?

  • Barack Obama

    Votes: 30 62.5%
  • John McCain

    Votes: 9 18.8%
  • Was Undecided but Now Leaning Obama

    Votes: 0 0.0%
  • Was Undecided but Now Leaning McCain

    Votes: 3 6.3%
  • Still Undecided

    Votes: 0 0.0%
  • Will Vote for a 3rd Party Candidate

    Votes: 5 10.4%
  • Probably Won't Vote At All

    Votes: 0 0.0%
  • Moving to Finland, Canada, or Tierra Del Fuego

    Votes: 1 2.1%

  • Total voters
    48
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Wrong decade, sweetie. I hate to invalidate all your hard work, but you need to go back to the 80's under Saint Ron. That is when supply-side did its wonders.

Gee, thanks a bundle; you could've been a bit cleare -- it *was* hard work to check all those numbers to make sure you wouldn't whack me over the fingers with a mistake.

Saint Ron's economic record isn't all that rosy either -- there's a reason Bush Sr. coined the term "voodoo economics" to describe Reaganomics.

I've looked into this a fair bit, and I assure you that supply-side economics is quackery; it's to economics what homeopathy is to medicine, stemming from a complete misunderstanding of the meaning of monetary policy as sketched on a napkin over lunch by a guy with the same last name as Leisure Suit Larry.
 
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My most humble apologies. You could save yourself a lot of work by just accepting everything I say as greater Truth. Maybe? Maybe? Well, you can't say I didn't offer.

I know you get irritable when I get anti-intellectual, but there's a large part of me that couldn't give two hoots about the theory. There's a lot to be said for results. I'm not sure a "smoke and mirrors" argument will invalidate those results, either, since Washington DC has been the constant home of smoke and mirrors for a century or so. Reaganomics took us from a deep recession to a boom decade, where everyone from the CEO to the janitor was making good money, living large, and feeling secure. Some of that can be written off to the "natural biorhythm" of the USA economy (which Clinton capitalized on by not F'ing with it), but not so much as a majority.
 
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I know you get irritable when I get anti-intellectual, but there's a large part of me that couldn't give two hoots about the theory. There's a lot to be said for results. I'm not sure a "smoke and mirrors" argument will invalidate those results, either, since Washington DC has been the constant home of smoke and mirrors for a century or so. Reaganomics took us from a deep recession to a boom decade, where everyone from the CEO to the janitor was making good money, living large, and feeling secure. Some of that can be written off to the "natural biorhythm" of the USA economy (which Clinton capitalized on by not F'ing with it), but not so much as a majority.

Actually, that's not quite true either, but I'm too tired to argue the point right now. I'd just suggest that you look up the actual data -- GDP growth, job creation, national debt, trade deficit, median family income growth, and median family income growth by quintile. Then compare it to the other presidencies from Kennedy/LBJ to Bush II. You'll find that Reagan's period isn't nearly as rosy as you make it out to be.

FWIW, I've done a fairly big chunk of this homework about six-eight months ago when I did my semi-serious reading on economics in general and the US national economy in particular. Unfortunately I don't keep copious notes, and in any case I don't feel like writing a Reaganomics critique right now, so you'll have to settle for a few points; you can look up more for yourself if you're interested.

To pick two indicators I can still find from my notes, GDP growth per annum was 3.4% (average since WW2 is 3.6%), and net job creation was 16 million, which was just about exactly on par with population growth. Neither unemployment nor poverty rate hit their previous lows; IOW, Reagan's recovery from the severe recession the Fed triggered to break the 1970's inflationary spiral was weaker than previous or subsequent recoveries.

I don't have the numbers to hand on the federal deficit or the savings rate, but the former ballooned as the latter dropped; IOW, much of Reagan's growth was financed by debt: if you take out a trillion-dollar loan and spend it like a drunken sailor, it's bound to show up in the GDP numbers. Not unlike the weak recovery under Bush 2, for that matter -- only he didn't quite manage to shore up the bubble until the end of his second term; it popped about 12 months prematurely.

Finally, a thought: I find it amusing that you ascribe the Reagan recovery to Reaganomics, but the much stronger Clinton recovery to "not f-ing with the natural biorhythm of the American economy." I would suggest the contrary: Reagan's recovery was an exceptionally weak one due to his poor economic policy, while Clinton's was an exceptionally strong one due to him employing a crack economic advisory team -- and listening to their advice.
 
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Clinton took the reins of an economy that was bad but not recessionary. Taking a breath, as it were. Reagan inherited a serious mess and turned it around.

Secondly, although Reagan's numbers were smaller (I have no reason to doubt your data), I'd be very surprised if their effects were not more uniformly applied once the policy had time to sink in. I'd bet that the beginnings of our "rich get richer" stratification came under Clinton's watch based on the change in dominant vehicle for accumulation of wealth in that decade (from 80's era top-to-bottom salary growth to 90's era stock market investment). I can't deny that Dubya put a point on that pencil, though, as the vehicle shifted to 00's era corporate largess/shenanigans.

Finally, perception is overemphasized in a consumer-driven economy, and I'm here to tell you that they didn't call it the Big 80's for nothing. We bought the toys, which meant jobs to build the toys, which meant paychecks to buy more toys... During Clinton's days, the middle class started to realize they were getting squeezed, even though times were relatively good. There was a wariness there, a dawning realization, that a lot of us were about to get bent over.

And as a bonus "finally", I'd like to know just what advice Willie followed. He didn't prod the Fed. He didn't change tax code (that was done to him, not by him). He didn't significantly change corporate regulation. He didn't dramatically redirect government spending. He didn't attack the trade deficit. He didn't balance the budget (the Republican congress forced that down his throat, and besides that, you can't really give him credit for the dramatically increased receipts just because he was sitting in the chair at the right time). In a nutshell, he didn't do squat. That's actually one of the very few things I think he did right--he didn't screw with a good thing.
 
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Dte, don't get me wrong on this, I don't like Clinton any more than you do, but it seems to me that you're saying when something goes well under a Democrat it's because of Congress, but if anything goes wrong, it's the fault of the Pres!! Isn't that a little one sided, even for you!!!! :)
 
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I'd vote 3rd party for two reasons:

1) I live in NYC. Obama is going to win this state so my voting for McCain isn't going to help him.
2) I'm a conservative. A REAL conservative and while I still feel that the Republicans are a better option than the Democrats, I'm disgusted with what the Republican party has become. One way that parties get federal funding for future elections is by their share of the vote in the previous election. Because of point #1, I'd rather give my vote to a 3rd party with no chance of winning this election in hopes that it gives them a better chance in the next one, because really, until a 3rd party emerges as a legitimate contender, neither the Democrats or Republicans are going to straighten up.
 
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That's a reasonable argument, bn, and I've actually followed it in the past myself--though i didn't know about the funding thing. I agree that we need *at least* one more party to keep everybody honest and give people viable alternatives.

I'm still voting for Obama, though, even though Oklahoma is without any shadow of a doubt going McCain. (Last poll was 56-38 or something. O_O )
 
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Clinton took the reins of an economy that was bad but not recessionary. Taking a breath, as it were. Reagan inherited a serious mess and turned it around.

Not quite. Here, in a very small nutshell, is what happened.

The 1973 oil crisis triggered stagflation, which caused an inflationary spiral -- wages and prices leapfrogged each other year by year, as unions and employers one-upped each other. This was a very nasty situation that led to sluggish growth even during the upswing of the business cycle. Finally, Paul Volcker, the Fed chief, decided to wring inflation out of the system with a massive reduction of the money supply. This happened late in Carter's presidency. The predictable and predicted consequence was a sharp, deep recession and a sharp rise in unemployment. This broke the back of the labor unions in the US, and eventually killed inflation. At that point, the Fed initiated an expansionary monetary policy, and the economy started to recover. By that time, Carter had lost the election and Reagan was at the reins.

IOW, Reagan had nothing to do with turning around the economy -- that was the business cycle on the one hand, and the Fed on the other. What Reagan could impact was the strength and length of the recovery, and the way the growth was distributed.

Secondly, although Reagan's numbers were smaller (I have no reason to doubt your data), I'd be very surprised if their effects were not more uniformly applied once the policy had time to sink in.

I like surprising you, so I dug up some numbers.

Until Reagan, the graph or income growth per quintile looked like a picket fence: growth was pretty much evenly distributed. From Reagan onwards, it looks like a staircase: growth in the lower quintiles is stagnant, while in the higher ones it's... high.

Unfortunately I don't have an on-line graph for you, but here are the numbers (annual inflation-adjusted growth per family by percentile, in per cent):

(Note: (1) the dates are set by the business cycle, trough to peak, not the dates of the presidency, and (2) these aren't aggregated quintiles, but families at a certain percentile position in the income distribution; this eliminates the very rich and the very poor from the comparison; including them would give significantly different numbers, but they'd be less representative of what the bulk of American households gained or lost).

From 1947-1973 (end of the war economy to the oil crisis):
20th: 2.5% 40th: 2.6% 60th: 2.8% 80th: 2.6% 95th: 2.4%

From 1973-1979 (the stagflationary/inflationary doldrums):
20th: -0.2% 40th: -0.2% 60th: 0.0% 80th: 0.1% 95th: 0.5%

From 1979-1989 (the "Reagan recovery"):
20th: -0.4% 40th: 0.2% 60th: 0.5% 80th: 1.0% 95th: 1.5%

I'd bet that the beginnings of our "rich get richer" stratification came under Clinton's watch based on the change in dominant vehicle for accumulation of wealth in that decade (from 80's era top-to-bottom salary growth to 90's era stock market investment). I can't deny that Dubya put a point on that pencil, though, as the vehicle shifted to 00's era corporate largess/shenanigans.

Clinton certainly didn't do much to change the situation, but it started, and dramatically so, under Reagan's watch. (What Clinton could have done, and at what cost, is a whole different question; the short answers would be "something" and "possibly very high;" similar trends are visible worldwide, but there nowhere near as strong in Europe or Southeast Asia; OTOH Europe wasn't doing too great economically at the time to start with.)

Finally, perception is overemphasized in a consumer-driven economy, and I'm here to tell you that they didn't call it the Big 80's for nothing. We bought the toys, which meant jobs to build the toys, which meant paychecks to buy more toys... During Clinton's days, the middle class started to realize they were getting squeezed, even though times were relatively good. There was a wariness there, a dawning realization, that a lot of us were about to get bent over.

And as a bonus "finally", I'd like to know just what advice Willie followed. He didn't prod the Fed. He didn't change tax code (that was done to him, not by him). He didn't significantly change corporate regulation. He didn't dramatically redirect government spending. He didn't attack the trade deficit. He didn't balance the budget (the Republican congress forced that down his throat, and besides that, you can't really give him credit for the dramatically increased receipts just because he was sitting in the chair at the right time). In a nutshell, he didn't do squat. That's actually one of the very few things I think he did right--he didn't screw with a good thing.

Look dte -- you can't have it both ways. Either presidential economic policy doesn't matter, in which case Reagan just managed to put a wonderful spin on a mediocre recovery, whereas Clinton didn't manage to turn an exceptionally strong recovery into any political credit, or it does, in which case Clinton's record looks a great deal better than Reagan's.

As to what Clinton actually did, that would be a pret-ty long trek, so I'll just refer you to Joseph Stiglitz's excellent and highly readable book on what went right and what went wrong on Clinton's watch: _The Roaring Nineties_.

[ http://www.amazon.com/Roaring-Ninet...bs_sr_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1218059794&sr=8-1 ]

You were citing Reagan's "turning around the American economy" as evidence that supply-side economics works, remember? Whereas in reality, Reagan's numbers aren't all that hot, compared to any other post-WW2 business cycle, and the effects on income distribution are pretty much exactly what classical economics would predict -- i.e., regressive. As I said: supply-side economics is to economics what homeopathy is to medicine. Quackery.
 
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Dte, don't get me wrong on this, I don't like Clinton any more than you do, but it seems to me that you're saying when something goes well under a Democrat it's because of Congress, but if anything goes wrong, it's the fault of the Pres!! Isn't that a little one sided, even for you!!!! :)
It's a question of who's driving the bus. Reagan bent a hostile democratic congress to his will; Clinton bent his willie while the republican congress did the heavy lifting. In this case, I'm a fan of both approaches.
 
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... there is a reason 'Wall Street' (which I watched again the other night' fell well under Reagan's term ... and it was so much a part of our culture already. Reagan's positive's had to do more with a feeling of importance and meaning something and getting beyond Vietnam.
 
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Thanks for the economics lesson Prime J. I appreciated it and actually even understood part of it. Reagan had some positive qualities, but I certainly wasn't noticing this huge financial Big Eighties thing at my income level. In fact, we were barely breaking even back then. We did better in the Nineties as a family, which of course is partially due to having better jobs and I'm sure a lot of other circumstantial factors, but my overall memories are a little in conflict with the idea that life was swell under Ronnie, Clinton stole his goodies and the last eight years are somehow more his fault than anyone else's because he didn't forsee and do something about the future before he left office. I'm no fan of Clinton as a person, but I think it was a better country all around then than it is now.

Who was the one with the "trickle down" theory? Wasn't that Reagan? All I can say is, it never trickles very far through that big absorbent sponge at the top. :)
 
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but my overall memories are a little in conflict with the idea that life was swell under Ronnie, Clinton stole his goodies and the last eight years are somehow more his fault than anyone else's because he didn't forsee and do something about the future before he left office. I'm no fan of Clinton as a person, but I think it was a better country all around then than it is now.

Who was the one with the "trickle down" theory? Wasn't that Reagan? All I can say is, it never trickles very far through that big absorbent sponge at the top. :)
I don't know that I've blamed the last 8 years on Willie anywhere. I blame the last 8 years on an unforseeable economic disaster (9-11) followed by a very poorly managed recovery plan.

Trickle-down was Ronnie. For all that sponge, we went from rampant unemployment and economic crisis to labor stability and consumer confidence.

Perhaps that's where PJ and I aren't quite seeing eye-to-eye. I'm putting a great deal of stock in stability in the labor force, which isn't part of PJ's charts and would be hard to put solid numbers to even if you wanted to. I haven't won any Nobel prizes, but it seems pretty obvious to me that, in a consumer-driven economy, consumer confidence is king and the primary driver (practically sole driver, IMO) in that is labor stability--I have a job today and I'm confident that I'll have that job (or a better one) tomorrow. The economic glory years under Clinton were driven by productivity improvements and stock market wizardry; labor stability steadily decreased for his entire presidency. Companies closed at the drop of a hat; jobs were continually lost to offshore outsourcing; traditional middle class manufacturing jobs were slaughtered and replaced with lower paying service industry positions.
 
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I don't know that I've blamed the last 8 years on Willie anywhere. I blame the last 8 years on an unforseeable economic disaster (9-11) followed by a very poorly managed recovery plan.

In that case, you're wrong again. The economic impact of 9-11 was negligible -- a temporary speed bump that hit a few isolated sectors and didn't last more than a few months. What's biting you in the ass now is the simple rule of "what can't go on forever, won't go on forever." Eventually the chickens will come home to roost, and that's what's happening now.

Specifically, these chickens:

* The trade deficit. Released by Reagan, shooed off further by Bush and Clinton, driven off with a whip by Bush 2.
* The budget deficit. Released by Reagan, plaintively whistled home by Bush 1, caught and locked in by Clinton, driven off with a whip by Bush 2.
* Consumer borrowing. Released by Reagan, cheerfully chased off by everyone else since.
* Insufficient infrastructure spending. Reagan thru Bush 2, no exceptions.
* Growing income differentials. When they grow enough, they become unsustainable. Reagan thru Bush 2, no exceptions.
* Recovery by blowing bubbles in the economy. Bush 1 thru Bush 2, no exceptions. Eventually you run out of bubbles, and then you're S.O.L.

As stated, 9-11 doesn't have zip to do with this, other than serving as a convenient excuse to spend money on "security" -- whatever that may mean.

Trickle-down was Ronnie. For all that sponge, we went from rampant unemployment and economic crisis to labor stability and consumer confidence.

Yeah. It's known as the "business cycle," and it got going once Volcker squeezed inflation out of the system, as I stated in my long-winded post above. It would have happened under Carter 2 as well; Reagan just branded it.

Perhaps that's where PJ and I aren't quite seeing eye-to-eye. I'm putting a great deal of stock in stability in the labor force, which isn't part of PJ's charts and would be hard to put solid numbers to even if you wanted to. I haven't won any Nobel prizes, but it seems pretty obvious to me that, in a consumer-driven economy, consumer confidence is king and the primary driver (practically sole driver, IMO) in that is labor stability--I have a job today and I'm confident that I'll have that job (or a better one) tomorrow. The economic glory years under Clinton were driven by productivity improvements and stock market wizardry; labor stability steadily decreased for his entire presidency. Companies closed at the drop of a hat; jobs were continually lost to offshore outsourcing; traditional middle class manufacturing jobs were slaughtered and replaced with lower paying service industry positions.

That's a good point. I've done a fair bit of reading on that too, and the reasons for the evolution are a bit on the complex side; they have to do with globalization on the one hand and changes in society internally on the other. I'll try to make a very small nutshell, though.

In the American case, job instability was the price to pay for getting out of the 1970's inflationary spiral -- the spiral was driven by the collective bargaining of the unions on the one hand and big business on the other. The unions negotiated pay raises; big business transferred the costs to prices. This created a vicious circle that was very hard to break. The late-1970's Fed-triggered recession broke the cycle, and broke the unions with it.

However, those selfsame unions were also responsible for negotiating "GM-like" working conditions, with stable employment, pay raises based on seniority, comprehensive health care packages, and so on. And the selfsame big business was powerful enough to fix prices so that all that could be paid for.

With the unions gone, companies were free to negotiate with employees on an individual basis; with globalization, their potential employee pool went from Michigan to Chengdu. Simultaneously, Wal-Mart and its like aggregated the bargaining power of consumers -- they used their clout to pit producers against each other in order to get the best possible bargain for their customers. And finally, the globalization of finance (when stock markets went real-time, electronic, and international) meant that competition for capital went global at the same time: CEO's found themselves under much more pressure to produce bigger growth and bigger profits, in order to please their empowered stockholders.

The upshot was a triple whammy: (1) enormous downward pressure on producer prices, through Wal-Mart and global competition, (2) enormous upward pressure on profits, through the globalized finance market, and (3) loss of labor's bargaining power through the destruction of the unions.

Surprise surprise -- the USA went from lifetime employment with health care, a pension plan, and guaranteed seniority raises to short-term employment with minimal perks, raises based on productivity, and a private pension plan, if that. IOW, there goes your job quality.

You'll note, by the way, that these developments are global. There's really no way this situation could have been avoided altogether; autarky isn't an option, as Comrade Kim has shown us.

However, it would have been possible to manage the transition in a way that would have reaped many of the benefits while avoiding some of the downsides. Some countries that have managed this much better than the US are South Korea, Chile, and some, but not all, European countries; others like Japan paid an enormous price for their choices but are looking a lot better right now. And I sure as hell can't tell how Reagan's policies made the transition any easier -- from where I'm at, it looks like the exact opposite; he was exacerbating the most undesirable features of globalization at the critical instant it was getting started.
 
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Oh, one more thing, dte -- you keep saying that Clinton didn't want to balance the Federal budget, but had this shoved down his throat by the Republican Congress.

This just ain't true either, and you'd realize it for yourself if you thought about it for a moment. You remember *how* Clinton balanced the budget? It's two words.

Raising. Taxes.

He was the one who had to ram that down Congress's throat, not the other way around.

Again, read Stiglitz's book if you're genuinely interested in the topic; it's an inside view of the deliberations that went on in Clinton's economic advisory team and their negotiations with the administration and pressures from Congress.
 
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In that case, you're wrong again. The economic impact of 9-11 was negligible -- a temporary speed bump that hit a few isolated sectors and didn't last more than a few months.
I hate to tell you, but this is completely and totally false. I was tied in with industry across a 3 state region at the time and I'm here to tell you that industrial spending and industrial production went right in the crapper for over 12 months. It prompted a period of labor instability as manufacturing scaled back to manage the sudden excess capacity. That's no frickin' speed bump, mister.
With the unions gone, companies were free to negotiate with employees on an individual basis; with globalization, their potential employee pool went from Michigan to Chengdu. Simultaneously, Wal-Mart and its like aggregated the bargaining power of consumers -- they used their clout to pit producers against each other in order to get the best possible bargain for their customers. And finally, the globalization of finance (when stock markets went real-time, electronic, and international) meant that competition for capital went global at the same time: CEO's found themselves under much more pressure to produce bigger growth and bigger profits, in order to please their empowered stockholders.

The upshot was a triple whammy: (1) enormous downward pressure on producer prices, through Wal-Mart and global competition, (2) enormous upward pressure on profits, through the globalized finance market, and (3) loss of labor's bargaining power through the destruction of the unions.
An excellent nutshell, although I'm not sure (3) was a quantum shift so much as a pendulum swing to the management side, albeit a significant swing. There was an adjustment due on that balance anyway, although in typical American fashion we shot right on thru the happy medium and out the back side.
However, it would have been possible to manage the transition in a way that would have reaped many of the benefits while avoiding some of the downsides. Some countries that have managed this much better than the US are South Korea, Chile, and some, but not all, European countries; others like Japan paid an enormous price for their choices but are looking a lot better right now. And I sure as hell can't tell how Reagan's policies made the transition any easier -- from where I'm at, it looks like the exact opposite; he was exacerbating the most undesirable features of globalization at the critical instant it was getting started.
Reagan was the right medicine for the disease we had, just as Clinton's hands-off (I notice you haven't given even a quick summary of tangible actions. I still claim that's because there was a preponderance of tangible inactions.) was the right medicine for those times.

I think that this shift, and the management of it, is highlighting the biggest flaw in US democracy. We are patently unable to form coherent long-term policy and even less able to stick with any policy with an incubation period longer than about 2 years (the span of congressional elections). There's several roads from where we're at to where we need to be and, while we might argue which road is the smoothest and most direct, the vast majority of them will get us somewhere close to "there" if we just picked one and stuck with it. As you point out, the Japanese probably picked a poor road, but they largely stuck to their plan and they're in the right neighborhood now.
 
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I hate to tell you, but this is completely and totally false. I was tied in with industry across a 3 state region at the time and I'm here to tell you that industrial spending and industrial production went right in the crapper for over 12 months. It prompted a period of labor instability as manufacturing scaled back to manage the sudden excess capacity. That's no frickin' speed bump, mister.

Show me the money. That is:

(1) The numbers -- a significant downturn in economic activity following 9-11 *should* show up in them, even apart from the normal swings of the business cycle. The quarterly GNP growth numbers are in, and the corrections have been made, up to 2004.

(2) The causative mechanism. It's tough to disentangle the different causes and effects in national economies, but plausible explanations are possible. I'd like to hear your take on what about knocking down two skyscrapers caused a 12-month slowdown in industrial spending and production -- and why the subsequent recovery to make up for the investment and production shortfall since then didn't... well, make up for it.

Otherwise I'll just treat your statement as anecdotal. I've done my homework to argue my point: your turn now.

I think that this shift, and the management of it, is highlighting the biggest flaw in US democracy. We are patently unable to form coherent long-term policy and even less able to stick with any policy with an incubation period longer than about 2 years (the span of congressional elections). There's several roads from where we're at to where we need to be and, while we might argue which road is the smoothest and most direct, the vast majority of them will get us somewhere close to "there" if we just picked one and stuck with it. As you point out, the Japanese probably picked a poor road, but they largely stuck to their plan and they're in the right neighborhood now.

Something like that. Your politicians do seem to have a very short attention span. Not that you, as voters, are encouraging them to do anything else.

One thing you have to say for Clinton, though, that fiscally his administration did act longer-term -- he ran up a huge surplus during the boom, with the idea that the next administration (Gore's) could then spend it when the cycle reversed. It would have been politically much easier just to spend the surplus, or to cut taxes not to raise the surplus in the first place. But he chose to do otherwise.

I find it rather depressing that nobody seems willing to give him credit for that; not even Democrats, let alone Republicans. For example, you're arguing that it was the fiscally-responsible Republican Congress that *made* him do that, even though strangely enough the same fiscally-responsible Republicans did no such thing when they were in power before and after the Clinton interlude.
 
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Re Clinton: I haven't said much about what he did because (1) I'm actually not a huge fan of his economic policy, since it was IMO unnecessarily regressive and rough on weaker economies, and (2) it would be a pretty long trek. Economically he was probably closer to implementing Milton Friedman's "balance the budget and don't f-- with it" prescription than any other administration before or since. Clinton's economic record is decidedly mixed; it only stands out because of the company he keeps -- no American president since 1973 has managed to do any better.

As a summary, here's my quick take on what went right and what went wrong on his watch.

What went right:
+ The budget surplus. Politically tough to do; it takes discipline and ability to ram through Congress, and the rewards only come when you get to spend it with the downturn, which he never got to see.
+ The biggest, strongest economic boom since 1973; much bigger than Reagan's recovery, let alone the truly anemic Bush Sr. or Bush Jr. ones. How much of this is actually creditable to Clinton is debatable, but as you said, at least he didn't screw it up.
+ A reasonably progressive tax policy, by American standards.
+ Focus on free trade using an international mechanism rather than strong-arming bilateral treaties, with some consideration given to distributive effects and managing the adjustment costs at home.

What went wrong:
- Insufficient infrastructure spending. American infrastructure -- roads, bridges, electricity grids, water supply, flood protections, what have you -- has been steadily rotting since the 1960's at least. Clinton didn't do anything about this (either). In other words, his budget surplus was at least partly "borrowed" too -- by deferring necessary infrastructure investment.
- Pursuing the disastrous "Washington consensus" policies in international trade. This had ruinous effects around the world (e.g. Argentina, Mexico, South-East Asia), and ended up pretty expensive for the US too -- the Mexican bailout, for example, was a direct consequence (and not bailing out Mexico would've been just about as expensive, if not more so).
- Cheerfully negotiating and exploiting loopholes in those WTO trade rules to pander to small constituencies, despite the damage they would do to the bigger economic picture.
- Doing nothing to cool down the Internet bubble. The economy overheated badly in the late 1990's; this made the 2000/2001 recession deeper and nastier than it should have been. A better administration might have seen it coming and hit the brakes about when bars started showing the NASDAQ ticker on their TV's instead of football.
- Doing little to help adjust to globalization. Job security and quality collapsed due to that confluence of three factors -- globalization of the capital market, globalization of the market for goods, and globalization of the market for labor. It would have been possible (indeed, it still is possible) to do something on the political level about this; yet Clinton did virtually nothing.

"What would this be?" I hear you asking. Here we're entering some pretty murky waters, not to mention another very long post which I don't feel like writing. However, it would be unfair to leave it at just "something," so here are a few random thoughts.

(1) Built-in economic stabilizers. For example, the Danish model of unemployment insurance -- it starts out high, very near your salary when you lost or left your job. From that, it gradually declines to a minimum "subsistence" level, slightly below minimum wage. This has a number of beneficial effects: it provides automatic fiscal stimulus immediately as the economy turns down (since unemployment is the first thing to go up), it lowers the cost of job-switching, whether voluntarily or involuntarily, thereby making the labor market more flexible, and it provides security for those who most need it.

(2) Encouraging domestic growth in industries that cannot be easily transferred offshore. For example, public transportation, the infrastructure needed to run it, ICT infrastructure, and so on.

(3) Improving the quality of the labor force. Better, more easily accessible, and better targeted vocational training; more widely available higher education, and so on. Outsourcing and offshoring has a lot of overhead costs; if domestic labor productivity is high, it makes less economic sense to do so.
 
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As we've touched on before, the lines between the political parties are a lot more blurry than they used to be. Joining Dubya and "fiscally-responsible Republican" to support any argument earns you 2 minutes in the penalty box. For that matter, if we're going to lay the cards on the table, my tendency to imply that Willie and "tax-n-spend Democrat" go together should probably put me in the sin bin, too. Sitting on his hands while the receipts rolled in would have to qualify him for a "moderate" label and I think I've said more than once that he deserves credit for his inaction because, as you point out, inaction was not the most politically expedient approach.

The Republican congress that I'm referring to only lasted about 2 years, you know. Following the "mandate" election, Gingrich and his pals drove a lot of good changes thru that Willie did not support. That movement turned to vapor once Newt decided being a big wheel was more important than serving the American people.
 
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Re Clinton: I haven't said much about what he did because (1) I'm actually not a huge fan of his economic policy, since it was IMO unnecessarily regressive and rough on weaker economies, and (2) it would be a pretty long trek. Economically he was probably closer to implementing Milton Friedman's "balance the budget and don't f-- with it" prescription than any other administration before or since. Clinton's economic record is decidedly mixed; it only stands out because of the company he keeps -- no American president since 1973 has managed to do any better.

As a summary, here's my quick take on what went right and what went wrong on his watch.

What went right:
+ The budget surplus. Politically tough to do; it takes discipline and ability to ram through Congress, and the rewards only come when you get to spend it with the downturn, which he never got to see.
+ The biggest, strongest economic boom since 1973; much bigger than Reagan's recovery, let alone the truly anemic Bush Sr. or Bush Jr. ones. How much of this is actually creditable to Clinton is debatable, but as you said, at least he didn't screw it up.
+ A reasonably progressive tax policy, by American standards.
+ Focus on free trade using an international mechanism rather than strong-arming bilateral treaties, with some consideration given to distributive effects and managing the adjustment costs at home.

What went wrong:
- Insufficient infrastructure spending. American infrastructure -- roads, bridges, electricity grids, water supply, flood protections, what have you -- has been steadily rotting since the 1960's at least. Clinton didn't do anything about this (either). In other words, his budget surplus was at least partly "borrowed" too -- by deferring necessary infrastructure investment.
- Pursuing the disastrous "Washington consensus" policies in international trade. This had ruinous effects around the world (e.g. Argentina, Mexico, South-East Asia), and ended up pretty expensive for the US too -- the Mexican bailout, for example, was a direct consequence (and not bailing out Mexico would've been just about as expensive, if not more so).
- Cheerfully negotiating and exploiting loopholes in those WTO trade rules to pander to small constituencies, despite the damage they would do to the bigger economic picture.
- Doing nothing to cool down the Internet bubble. The economy overheated badly in the late 1990's; this made the 2000/2001 recession deeper and nastier than it should have been. A better administration might have seen it coming and hit the brakes about when bars started showing the NASDAQ ticker on their TV's instead of football.
- Doing little to help adjust to globalization. Job security and quality collapsed due to that confluence of three factors -- globalization of the capital market, globalization of the market for goods, and globalization of the market for labor. It would have been possible (indeed, it still is possible) to do something on the political level about this; yet Clinton did virtually nothing.

"What would this be?" I hear you asking. Here we're entering some pretty murky waters, not to mention another very long post which I don't feel like writing. However, it would be unfair to leave it at just "something," so here are a few random thoughts.

(1) Built-in economic stabilizers. For example, the Danish model of unemployment insurance -- it starts out high, very near your salary when you lost or left your job. From that, it gradually declines to a minimum "subsistence" level, slightly below minimum wage. This has a number of beneficial effects: it provides automatic fiscal stimulus immediately as the economy turns down (since unemployment is the first thing to go up), it lowers the cost of job-switching, whether voluntarily or involuntarily, thereby making the labor market more flexible, and it provides security for those who most need it.

(2) Encouraging domestic growth in industries that cannot be easily transferred offshore. For example, public transportation, the infrastructure needed to run it, ICT infrastructure, and so on.

(3) Improving the quality of the labor force. Better, more easily accessible, and better targeted vocational training; more widely available higher education, and so on. Outsourcing and offshoring has a lot of overhead costs; if domestic labor productivity is high, it makes less economic sense to do so.

Amazing PJ, I agree with absolutely everything you said here!
 
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