This is all just noise, with respect to stolen elections.
In fact a quote from that website "There's no evidence of any such democracy-destroying fraud."
THese cases have not been shown to significantly affect the outcome of the election. Sure voter fraud is bad, but I am referring to fraud that actually made a difference in an election.
I can independently verify that a kid stole candy from a store, but is it relevant, NO.
On the other hand, the massive Ohio voter fraud certainly could have stolen the election.
Well, here's a link to a judiciary commission report on Ohio voter fraud. The Republican controlled Congress let the hearing happen only after forcing the author to say that the report did not put the election in to question, although the text of the report says otherwise.
http://www.verifiedvoting.org/downloads/ohiostatusrept1505.pdf
and summary here
http://www.harpers.org/archive/2005/08/0080696
Key summary quotes from both sources:
"three phases of Republican chicanery: the run-up to the election, the election itself, and the post-election cover-up. The wrongs exposed are not mere dirty tricks (though Bush/Cheney also went in heavily for those) but specific violations of the U.S. and Ohio constitutions, the Voting Rights Act, the Civil Rights Act of 1968, the National Voter Registration Act, and the Help America Vote Act. "
"We have found numerous, serious election irregularities in the Ohio presidential
election, which resulted in a significant disenfranchisement of voters. Cumulatively, these
irregularities, which affected hundreds of thousand of votes and voters in Ohio, raise grave
doubts regarding whether it can be said the Ohio electors selected on December 13, 2004, were
chosen in a manner that conforms to Ohio law, let alone federal requirements and
constitutional standards."
“a wide discrepancy between the availability of voting machines in more minority, Democratic and urban areas as compared to more Republican, suburban and exurban areas.” Such unequal placement had the predictable effect of slowing the voting process to a crawl at Democratic polls, while making matters quick and easy in Bush country: a clever way to cancel out the Democrats’ immense success at registering new voters in Ohio."
"It seemed at times that Ohio’s secretary of state was determined to try every stunt short of levying a poll tax to suppress new voter turnout. On September 7, based on an overzealous reading of an obscure state bylaw, he ordered county boards of elections to reject all Ohio voter-registration forms not “printed on white, uncoated paper of not less than 80 lb. text weight.” Under public pressure he reversed the order three weeks later, by which time unknown numbers of Ohioans had been disenfranchised. Blackwell also attempted to limit access to provisional ballots. The Help America Vote Act—passed in 2002 to address some of the problems of the 2000 election—prevents election officials from deciding at the polls who will be permitted to cast provisional ballots, as earlier Ohio law had permitted. On September 16, Blackwell issued a directive that somehow failed to note that change. A federal judge ordered him to revise the language, Blackwell resisted, and the court was forced to draft its own version of the directive, which it ordered Blackwell to accept, even as it noted Blackwell’s “vigorous, indeed, at times, obdurate opposition” to compliance with the law."
Under Blackwell the state Republican Party tried to disenfranchise still more Democratic voters through a technique known as “caging.” The party sent registered letters to new voters, “then sought to challenge 35,000 individuals who refused to sign for the letters,” including “voters who were homeless, serving abroad, or simply did not want to sign for something concerning the Republican Party.”
"We do know, however, that Ohio, like the nation, was the site of numerous statistical anomalies—so many that the number is itself statistically anomalous, since every single one of them took votes from Kerry. In Butler County the Democratic candidate for State Supreme Court took in 5,347 more votes than Kerry did. In Cuyahoga County ten Cleveland precincts “reported an incredibly high number of votes for third party candidates who have historically received only a handful of votes from these urban areas”—mystery votes that would mostly otherwise have gone to Kerry. In Franklin County, Bush received nearly 4,000 extra votes from one computer, and, in Miami County, just over 13,000 votes appeared in Bush’s column after all precincts had reported. In Perry County the number of Bush votes somehow exceeded the number of registered voters, leading to voter turnout rates as high as 124 percent. Youngstown, perhaps to make up the difference, reported negative 25 million votes."
"In Cuyahoga County and in Franklin County—both Democratic strongholds—the arrows on the absentee ballots were not properly aligned with their respective punch holes, so that countless votes were miscast, as in West Palm Beach back in 2000. In Mercer County some 4,000 votes for president—representing nearly 7 percent of the electorate—mysteriously dropped out of the final count. The machines in heavily Democratic Lucas County kept going haywire, prompting the county’s election director to admit that prior tests of the machines had failed. One polling place in Lucas County never opened because all the machines were locked up somewhere and no one had the key. In Hamilton County many absentee voters could not cast a Democratic vote for president because county workers, in taking Ralph Nader’s name off many ballots, also happened to remove John Kerry’s name. The Washington Post reported that in Mahoning County “25 electronic machines transferred an unknown number of Kerry votes to the Bush column,” but it did not think to ask why.
Ohio Democrats also were heavily thwarted through dirty tricks recalling Richard Nixon’s reign and the systematic bullying of Dixie. There were “literally thousands upon thousands” of such incidents, the Conyers report notes, cataloguing only the grossest cases. Voters were told, falsely, that their polling place had changed; the news was conveyed by phone calls, “door-hangers,” and even party workers going door to door. There were phone calls and fake “voter bulletins” instructing Democrats that they were not to cast their votes until Wednesday, November 3, the day after Election Day. Unknown “volunteers” in Cleveland showed up at the homes of Democrats, kindly offering to “deliver” completed absentee ballots to the election office. And at several polling places, election personnel or hired goons bused in to do the job “challenged” voters—black voters in particular—to produce documents confirming their eligibility to vote. The report notes one especially striking incident:
In Franklin County, a worker at a Holiday Inn observed a team of 25 people who called themselves the “Texas Strike Force” using payphones to make intimidating calls to likely voters, targeting people recently in the prison system. The “Texas Strike Force” paid their way to Ohio, but their hotel accommodations were paid for by the Ohio Republican Party, whose headquarters is across the street. The hotel worker heard one caller threaten a likely voter with being reported to the FBI and returning to jail if he voted. Another hotel worker called the police, who came but did nothing.
"
"Detailed Findings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
A. Pre-Election . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
1. Machine Allocations – Why were there such long lines in Democratic
leaning areas but not Republican leaning areas? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
2. Cutting Back on the Right to Provisional Ballots . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
3. Cutting Back on the Right of Citizens to Register to Vote . . . . . . . . . . . 36
4. Targeting New Minority Voter Registrants – Caging . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
5. Targeting Minority and Urban Voters for Legal Challenges . . . . . . . . . . 43
6. Denying Absentee Voters Who Never Got Their Ballots the Right to a
Provisional Ballot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
7. Denying Access to the News Media . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48
B. Election Day . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
1. County-Specific Issues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
2. Myriad Other Problems and Irregularities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63
a. Intimidation and Misinformation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63
b. Machine Irregularities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65
c. Registration Irregularities and Official Misconduct and Errors . . 67
3. General Problems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
a. Spoiled Ballots – Hanging Chads Again? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
b. Exit Polls Bolster Claims of Irregularities and Fraud . . . . . . . . . 72
C. Post-Election . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78
1. Confusion in Counting Provisional Ballots . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78
2. Justice Delayed is Justice Denied – Recounts were Delayed Because of a
Late Declaration of Results . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
3. Triad GSI – Using a “Cheat Sheet” to Cheat the Voters in Hocking and
Other Counties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81
4. Greene County – Long Waits, the Unlocked Lockdown and Discarded
Ballots . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
3
5. Other Recount Irregularities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
a. Irregularities in Selecting the Initial 3% Hand Count . . . . . . . . . 92
b. Irregularities in Applying the Full Hand-Count Requirement . . . 94
c. Irregularities in the Treatment of Ballots . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94
d. Irregularities in the Treatment of Witnesses at the Recount and
their Access to Ballots . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95"
Sorry for the massive quoting, but this is just the tip of the iceberg...